In this post, professor Tatiana Yugay, of the Moscow State University of economics, reports from Saint Petersburg about the recent Russia-China deal. See also a previous post on the subject.
By Tatiana Yugay
In my previous post at Ugo
Bardi's blog, I suggested that “Russia
but not the U.S. has been pivoting to Asia just now”. Since
then several landmark events happened in the Asian arena, such as,
Vladimir Putin's successful visit to China and the conclusion of a $400
billion gas mega-deal between Russia's Gazprom and China's CNPC along
with other important 50 agreements, the Russian-Chinese navy drills
in the East-China Sea and Obama's visit to East Asia in order to
alert his Asian allies. Last but not least,
signing
the Treaty on the Foundation
of the Eurasian Economic Union took
place in Astana at the end
of May.
On May 23-24, I had a
chance to participate in the Forum of Russia's and China's Leading
Economists which was hosted by the St.
Petersburg State University of Economics. By a happy coincidence,
the Forum took place right after the conclusion of the millennium gas
deal between the two countries and, moreover, contemporaneously with
the St.
Petersburg International Economic Forum.
Though our event was a much more modest
one, all the participants felt their involvement
with mainstream geopolitical developments.
The atmosphere was very vibrant,
friendly and a sort of triumphant.
In
fact, we felt ourselves as if we
were participating
in the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum since the agenda
of both forums were
somehow overlapping, including
a key
topic of
the
Russian-Chinese
strategic economic partnership.
It is needless to say that the gas deal was
on everyone's lips. I
was pleasantly surprised that the attitude
of the Chinese speakers was very similar to my own
vision.
It is clear that the scientific
communities of both
countries are more
free to express their views
than the political leadership. Recently,
Russian policymakers do
not hesitate to express their opinions in strong and
sarcastic terms and
the general public enjoy this fact. On the
other hand, the Chinese leadership is rather
careful in its
wording and expresses its position rather
indirectly. On the
contrary, the Chinese
speakers at our
Forum
were even
more tough while
expressing their attitudes towards the U.S. policy than their Russian
counterparts. They accused
the U.S. of the
“new regionalism” aimed at excluding
China and Russia from shaping new international trade rules in
the framework of Trans-Pacific
Partnership Agreement (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment
Partnership (TTIP). Both Russian and
Chinese participants
agreed that the US domination destabilizes
the world and exerts direct threats
to national security of our countries.
In
my presentation, I presumed that Russia
and China should
give asymmetric
geoeconomic responses to the latest geopolitical threats, avoiding
direct confrontation.
Since
the U.S.
is
still
stronger economically, politically and militarily than China and
Russia and,
mainly, because all three countries are the members of the nuke club
and the world is already dangerously balancing on the brink of the
world war.
In my opinion,
soft
asymmetric
responses should
not
be
directed
straightforward at
a potential
adversary
but
represent
elaborate
strategies aimed at creating international configurations or
alternative ways out of a
crisis situation.
In
these latter days,
Russia
has
been masterminding such kind of long-term solutions. Instead
of involving itself in a fruitless tit for tat sanctions game, Russia
has been forging its Asian-Pacific pivot.
Ahead
of striking the mega-gas deal and in the aftermath, there was
no shortage
of
speculations about its geopolitical significance.
A
repeating key-note was
that China had an upper hand because of Western sanctions against
Russia. The commentators presumed that Putin
was going to China as a suppliant
and would be forced to submit to Chinese tough
conditions. Frankly speaking, I was seriously concerned when at the
end of the first day of
his visit
the contract wasn't yet
signed and I saw Putin's sober face. The tension continued on the
next day and only in the afternoon it was announced that the deal was
struck.
However, there was
still
remaining
a sort of
ambiguity about the price of the gas that could serve as the main
indicator of whose hand was the upper one. Gazprom
regards the price
as
a
commercial
secret and didnn't
reveal it.
So
the analytical community both in the West and in Russia made a lot of
guesswork. A simple math supposes that if the total price ($400
billion) and the
quantity (38 billion cubic meters) are known then the average price
can be $350 per 1,000 cubic meters.
The Western commentators hurried
up
to
admit that “Given
the costs announced so far, this project will yield a subpar return
for Gazprom under today’s assumptions—maybe high single digits or
low double digits. This
will not be Gazprom’s most profitable endeavor”.
However,
the
head of the Gazprom export arm Alexander Medvedev said the
gas price
would be well above $350 per 1,000 cubic meters.
At
that, Gazprom
and China have preliminary agreed on a $25 billion advance payment
for gas supplies. Konstantin
Simonov, director general of the National Energy Security Foundation,
thinks
that the widely reported sticker price of $350 per 1,000 cubic meters
is a simple oversimplification. He
explained
that
under
the contract, supplies of Russian gas via the Eastern route will
reach the full capacity of 38 bcm a year only after the fifth year of
supplies. During the first five years deliveries will be only 16 bcm
annually. This
means that the total gas supply will exceed a trillion cubic meters
and the
price will come closer to $390.
Important for Russia,
the agreement includes a base price formula with reference to oil
prices. Russia
was
determined to protect this price formula notwithstanding
China's tough
resistance.
The
pricing of Russia's gas sales to Europe is based on an oil price
reference formula. Given the high oil prices, the oil-based price
formula for natural gas allows Russia to sell its gas at a higher
price than if it were based on spot-market natural gas prices. On
the other hand,
RBC
Capital Markets analysts
said implied terms will give China a steady supply of piped-in
Russian gas at a price about
25-40 percent lower than the current cost of importing liquefied
natural gas from overseas. So
the deal is beneficial for both parties.
Gazprom
expects that
the contract with China will affect gas prices in the European
market,
Aleksey Miller, head of Gazprom said at the St. Petersburg
International Economic Forum. "Firstly we assume that the
signing of this contract will impact European gas prices. Secondly,
the competition for Russian gas resources has begun yesterday,”
Miller said. “The Asia-Pacific is not only the largest and dominant
market, but it is the Asia-Pacific market that is influencing the
European and North American markets”.
A
greater geopolitical vision of the gas deal is expressed by Ulson
Gunnar,
“Finally, Russia
and China’s constructive energy partnership, concluded without
territorial, economic, or legal integration, will lend further
credibility toward a future multipolar global order, while
simultaneously exposing the shortcomings, even follies, of the West’s
unipolar system of pursuing hegemony through costly and ultimately
unsustainable global integration».
Immediately
after striking
the deal which
was long in advance nicknamed by the Western media as Putin's Holy
Graal,
it was labeled
as Russia's
Asian
pivot. As
Patrick
L Young puts
it, “Placed
in perspective, while a massive deal it is only expected to be around
10 percent of Chinese demand by 2020 (according to Nomura). That
means there is much more scope for Russia to increase its supply in
due course. Russia’s pivot to the growing markets of the east is in
full swing”.
Properly
speaking, inking
a gas deal wasn't the
beginning but a spectacular display of
a very careful and thoroughly adjusted
process of Russia's return to the Pacific. The
deal was just an ultimate piece of smalt which made the whole mosaic
visible to the general public.
In fact,
the Western analytical community has been
alerting their governments about potential Russia's shift to the East
long ahead of the Ukrainian crisis and even before Putin's
re-election.
Gazprom
and CNPC had
been negotiating the gas deal during a whole decade, and when it was
finally finalized Russia has succeeded in concluding
a bulk of trade agreements with other north-eastern states.
As
well.
Another landmark project is to double
connect
North and South Koreas by means of pipelines and railways. On
June 5, Russia’s
Minister for Far East Development Aleksander Galushka announced the
plan to extend the Trans-Siberian Railroad in
order to provide
a link between the Korean peninsula and Europe. The link will
extend the world’s longest railroad and
make
Russia a major transit route between Europe and Asia. Shipping by
rail is nearly 3 times faster than via the Suez Canal, Russian
Railways CEO Vladimir Bakunin said.
Cooperation
between the two Koreas on the railway could lead to compromise on a
long-delayed plan to build gas pipelines and connect both Koreas with
Russian gas. Russia's
Gazprom and the DPRK's Ministry of Energy have reached an
understanding to build a natural gas pipeline that would enter the
DPRK at the Khasan crossing of the Tumen River on the Russia-DPRK
border. The pipeline would then extend through the DPRK to the
Republic of Korea (Korean Gas Co). South Korea is the 10th largest
consumer of energy worldwide and the second largest importer of LNG.
Russia first agreed to export LNG to South Korea in 2005, and
agreements this year include South Korean support for modernizing the
LNG fleet and investing in Russian Far East development. Seoul is
especially interested in partnering with Russia as an alternative to
nearby China and Japan. Russia is ideally positioned to export to
South Korea because of the proximity of the two.
In
order to boost the deals,
Vladimir Putin recently
signed into law an
agreement that will write off much of DPRK
Soviet-era loans. Russia will forgive 90 percent of North Korea’s
debt from the Soviet era, leaving $1 billion to be repaid interest
free in the next 20-40 years. At
that,
North
Korea will grant Russian firms access to its natural resources
in exchange for imports and investments. In
January, a UK-based private equity firm SRE Minerals Limited said
North Korea had the largest rare earth oxides deposits in the world,
an amount of approximately 216 million tons. Rare earth elements
(REE) can be used in many sophisticated technologies, from cell
phones to guided missiles.
During
his four-day visit to Vietnam and South Korea in
November 2013,
Putin signed a series of documents to enhance Russia's cooperation
with Hanoi and Seoul in the economic, energy, military and
humanitarian sectors. Thus,
Russia
will help
Vietnam with hydrocarbon extraction, and possibly sell LNG to
Vietnam, along with its ongoing support for the Vietnamese navy and
nuclear power. Vietnam’s coast is accessible from ports in
Russia’s Far East. For that reason, Russia sees Vietnam
as an attractive energy partner not
only in its own right but also as a gateway for Russian exports to
other Southeast Asian nations. Using Vietnam as a corridor to
Southeast Asia would allow Russia
to
diversify
its energy trade and avoid excessive dependance
on Chinese
exports.
India
is an ancient trade partner and loyal political ally which has openly
supported Russia
amidst the Ukraine crisis. The countries are involved in high-tech
military cooperation and Russia is
a top
arms provider to
India. Surprisingly enough, their
energy cooperation has got a random character. One
of the major barriers to greater energy partnership
between India and Russia — particularly for crude oil — is the
lack of infrastructure to transport the crude. Currently,
Russia
and India are negotiating the construction of a $30 billion oil
pipeline—the
most expensive ever—to connect Russia’s Altai mountain region to
the Xinjiang province in northwest China and then to northern India.
India
also can be interested in buying LNG
from Gazprom's
Sakhalin-2 terminal. At
the time being, the main beneficiary of Sakhalin-2
is
Japan. A
new LNG plant in Vladivostok aims to ship 10 million tons from 2018
and will be connected to the continental gas production centres such
as Yakutia and Irkutsk oblast. Novatek, Russia’s largest non-state
gas producer, initiated another LNG Project on Yamal peninsula. It
will start producing LNG in 2016 and supply 16.5 million tons per
year of the tanker-shipped fuel by 2018.
Naturally,
Russia's beginning pivot to Asia was not at all welcome in the West.
Gal
Luft in
a
characteristic article “Can
America Stop Russia's Energy "Pivot" To Asia?” gives
the US leadership advises how to stop Russia. They are so outdated
that I can't deprive
myself
of pleasure
to
cite
them.
1) “as
guarantor of South Korean security, Washington should publicly take
a strong position against the Russia-Korea pipeline”. 2)
“Washington
should convince its Asian allies that it is committed to becoming a
leading energy-exporting country and a major player in the global
energy-trade system”. 3)
the
U.S. “should
enhance cooperation with Asia on unconventional gas. China owns the
world’s largest shale reserve. Japan is a global leader in the
development of methane hydrates”. 4)
the
U.S. “should support measures aimed at reducing LNG prices in the
Asia-Pacific to make LNG more competitive with Russian pipeline gas”.
In
fact, items 2-4 can be reduced to a single one or shale,
shale and
shale!
The
U.S. made all this mess in the Ukraine in order to promote its
shale
gas
to the EU and, supposedly, to extract it in
the
eastern Ukraine. That is why the US military advisers are so
relentless
towards the rebellious eastern
provinces.
It's
hard to believe that they offer to sell the futures of this same gas
not only to Europe but to Asia as well. In Russia, we say “to sell
the bear's skin before one has caught the bear”.
In my previous
post
I cited Gail
Tverberg's article “The
Absurdity of US Natural Gas Exports”
, were
she
explains
why
America's gas crusade
to Europe is ill-intentioned not only against Russia but for
Europe,
as
well.
On
June
5 after the G7 meeting in Brussels, European Commission President
José Manuel Barroso made
it clear
that
the EU cannot create “the
illusion that gas from the US is going to solve our problems.”
In
fact, instead of containing
Russia's pivot, the U.S. and the EU have been doing
their best to push it
forward. A ridiculous sanction's campaign is still in play. The
latest EU
suicide
attempt was to cancel the construction of the South
Stream pipeline bypassing
Ukraine.
During the last
few years, Russia
has been striving to strengthen the European energy security and to
diminish dependency
of Southern European markets from
the vicissitudes of gas transit through the unstable Ukraine.
According
to its fuzzy logic,
the European Commission told Bulgaria to suspend preparatory work on
South Stream, as it could damage EU energy security. Ironically,
all this fuss takes place right at the moment when the EU,
Russia
and Ukraine are trying hard to resolve a $3.5 bn debt
crisis
since Ukraine haven't paid for Russian gas for months. Putin has sent
two letters to EU leaders warning them that in case of continuing
non-payments, Gazprom would be forced to suspend deliveries to
Ukraine. A recent history teaches us
that in such a case the latter simply begin stealing gas from a
transit pipe. After
tough talks, Ukraine has paid a third of
the debt. What makes me laugh - that same EU Energy Commissioner
Guenther Oettinger who has been the main arbiter in the debt case,
has announced about blocking the South
Stream. After trilateral gas talks in Brussels, Gazprom Chairman
Miller has
stated, “The
EC cannot stop the construction. No one can stop us building it. Our
answer is very simple. In December 2015 the first gas along the
marine section under the Black Sea will arrive in Bulgaria and the
European Union”.
Credit: Pool photo by Alexey Druginyn
While the West understands that it cannot reverse Russia's shift to the East, it is deeply concerned by another Putin's “dream” which has been turning into reality these days. After the collapse of the USSR, Russia has been seeking to restore gradually the economic and political relations in the post-Soviet territory in the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Customs Union. At the end of 2011, Vladimir Putin, then being the Russia's Prime Minister, published an article "A new integration project for Eurasia: The future in the making" ("Izvestia", 3 October 2011). He revealed his vision of further developing of the Eurasion cooperation. An angry reaction from the other side of the Atlantic was not long in coming. Former US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton referred to the project as a “move to re-Sovietise the region.” While acknowledging that the Eurasian Union will not be called “the Soviet Union,” she also stressed “let’s make no mistake about it. We know what the goal is and we are trying to figure out effective ways to slow down or prevent it”. Did her ominous threat ever come true?
While the West understands that it cannot reverse Russia's shift to the East, it is deeply concerned by another Putin's “dream” which has been turning into reality these days. After the collapse of the USSR, Russia has been seeking to restore gradually the economic and political relations in the post-Soviet territory in the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Customs Union. At the end of 2011, Vladimir Putin, then being the Russia's Prime Minister, published an article "A new integration project for Eurasia: The future in the making" ("Izvestia", 3 October 2011). He revealed his vision of further developing of the Eurasion cooperation. An angry reaction from the other side of the Atlantic was not long in coming. Former US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton referred to the project as a “move to re-Sovietise the region.” While acknowledging that the Eurasian Union will not be called “the Soviet Union,” she also stressed “let’s make no mistake about it. We know what the goal is and we are trying to figure out effective ways to slow down or prevent it”. Did her ominous threat ever come true?
On
May 29, Presidents of Russia, Belarus
and
Kazakhstan has
signed the Treaty on the Creation of the Eurasian Economic Union in
Astana,
which
comes
into effect in January 2015.
The goal is to create a common market between three countries with a
total population of over 170 million, with free movement of capital,
goods, services and labour. Kyrgyzstan
and Armenia are
ready to join the Treaty in the nearest future. Meanwhile,
Vietnam and Turkey are negotiating about joining the Customs Union.
After
the signing ceremony, President
of
Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev who
hosted the event, said
“a new 21st century geopolitical reality is being born”.
It
isn't at all surprising that comments on
establishing the
Eurasian Economic Union, were
rather aggressive. They labeled the EEC as a “New
Russian Empire” or a “New
Soviet Union.” They
predicted its failure, mainly, because of Ukraine's
absence.
Neil
MacFarquharmay
wrote
a post titled sarcastically “Russia
and 2 Neighbors Form Economic Union That Has a Ukraine-Size Hole».
He
writes, “Some
analysts suggest that the loss of Ukraine as a potential member was
the death knell for the Eurasian Economic Union. On a purely economic
scale, losing Ukraine meant losing a market of more than 40 million
people. Ukraine also provided economic diversity when paired with the
two energy exporters».
Is
Ukraine so crucial for the
Eurasian project?
In order to understand the rationale behind Western reaction on
Ukrainian
developments, let's
turn to “The
Grand
Chessboard:
American Primacy And Its Geostrategic Imperatives”,
a
textbook for American presidents written by Zbigniew
Brzezinski. Four
key
statements are,
as follows, 1) “For
America, the chief geopolitical prize is Eurasia”, 2)
“A
power that dominates Eurasia would control two of the world's three
most advanced and economically productive regions”. 3)
“the
new world order under the hegemony of the United States is created
against Russia and on the fragments of Russia”.
4)
“without
Ukraine Russia ceases to be empire, while with Ukraine – bought off
first and subdued afterwards, it automatically turns into empire”.
Following
these clear instructions, the U.S. leadership has started a campaign
of tearing Ukraine
away from
Russia
and
incidentally selling the idea of shale gas.
In
my opinion, Brzezinski
and
his adepts have been over-estimating Ukraine's significance for a
success of the Eurasian
integration.
Though Ukraine is
very emotionally important for Russians, from the political and
economic points of view, it was clear long
ago that
it was drifting to the West. If
we look at the chart, we can see that Ukraine
didn't take part in the Customs
Union
and
exited from the
Common Economic Space on
the early stage.
Initially,
Russia was not so strong economically in order to give the country
considerable support or to compete with the US NGOs in bribing the
local elite. When
Russia began doing well and started investing in Ukraine, the latter
corrupted
and
got accustomed to milk two cows. Meanwhile,
a fatal West-East divide has been gradually corroding
the country from within. While maintaining old cooperation relations
with the east-Ukrainian
industrial
regions,
Russia was developing little by little its own industries to
substitute Ukrainian
import. Finally, the
construction
of North and South
Stream pipelines
were aimed to decrease
gas
transit through Ukraine.
However,
Ukraine
will
always stay a source of political, security and humanitarian
preoccupation for Russian leadership.
Source:
http://epthinktank.eu
I
can't respond
better to those who talks about Putin's imperial ambitions, than Mark
Adomanis, who
says,
«Without lapsing into cartoonish Kremlinology, I do think it’s
noteworthy and important that Putin is so publicly and forcefully
going on the record advancing a broad program of technocratic
neoliberalism: harmonizing regulations, lowering barriers to trade,
reducing tariffs, eliminating unnecessary border controls, driving
efficiency, and generally fostering the free movement of people and
goods. Even if not fully sincere, an embrace of these policies is
healthy».
Last
but not least, an important by-product of the Asian pivot is further
undermining dollar domination, since according to the gas megadeal
and other Russian-Chinese deals roubles or yuans will be used
in mutual payments.
Trade turnover inside the EEC will be also carried out in roubles, as
well as,
North-Korean deals.